A
War Without End
June 22 2004
Counterbias.com
Marc Krug
The war on terrorism can never be
won. Nor can it ever end. Neither result is logically possible because
"terrorism" is a policy, not a tangible enemy. Hence, any
war waged against it can neither have a winner nor an ending.
The questions then become: how did we get involved in such a war? And
how can we get out of it?
The "war on terrorism" began as a catchphrase description of
America's proposed plan to defeat al-Qaeda, destroy bin Laden, and
decimate the Taliban who were perceived as accomplices and supporters.
Speaking of this plan as a "war on terrorism" was
appropriate for two very good reasons: first, it made sense to wage
war against both the organization and the individual believed
responsible for the September 11 attack. Second, that attack fit the
traditional definition of "terrorism": the calculated use of
violence, primarily against civilians, to attain political, religious,
or ideological goals.
But Bush, Cheney, Wolfowitz, Armitage, and Perle wanted to do more
than just make war against bin Laden, al-Qaeda, and the Taliban. They
wanted to invade Iraq, depose Saddam, and take control of that country--a plan several of them had written about as early as 1998, well
before Bush had even taken office. Unfortunately, these men had one
major problem: Iraq had not taken part in the acts of September 11,
nor had it collaborated with those who did-so there was no built-in, pre-existing justification for war.
Consequently, the Bush administration needed to come up with a
believable rationale for invading Iraq; they had to convincingly
explain how and why such a war served America's vital interests. To
accomplish this task, they had a choice: either the Bush
administration could build a legitimate case, cite valid
justifications, and specify truthful reasons. Or they could do
something far less savory--deceive, dissemble, dissimulate and, whenever necessary, flat-out lie.
Unfortunately, they
chose the latter option.
What Bush did to sell the war was frighteningly effective. As a first
tactic, Bush would mention two or more entities, persons, or events--e.g., Iraq, al-Qaeda, and training
grounds--in quick succession several
times in the same speech or set of remarks. He hoped the listener
would then mentally connect them in ways that were advantageous to
Bush's interests, as in, "Iraq served as a training ground for
al-Qaeda terrorists."
As a second tactic, he would imply that there were certain connections
(usually of an ambiguous nature) between two entities, persons, or
events--e.g., Saddam and September 11. He hoped that listeners would
then infer that these connections were causal: as in, "Saddam was
partly responsible for September 11." As a third tactic, Bush
would stretch his interpretations of the facts beyond the bounds of truth, as in, "you can't distinguish between
al-Qaeda and Saddam
in the war on terror."
Bush used these tactics frequently and convincingly-often with a tone
of moral righteousness, heightened by the authority of his office.
Unfortunately, he succeeded beyond what anyone could have guessed: in
a New York Times poll taken last April, 40% still think that Saddam
played some role in September 11, even though Bush himself has openly
disavowed this connection. Earlier, more than 60% held that same
belief, although after months of investigation, the 9-11 Committee could find "no credible evidence that Iraq and
al-Qaeda cooperated in attacks against the United States."
Through it all, Bush made certain that what he said could be easily
remembered and subsequently believed; he kept it as uncomplicated yet
incriminating as possible. He did this through repetition, innuendo,
murky speculation, and by frequently using a simple, memorable
catchphrase -- "the war on terrorism."
As catchphrases go, "the war on terrorism" seems eminently salable and largely effective. It not only allows Bush to
hygienically
refer to a whole series of vicious acts, it also allows him to
effectively hide the historical reality of the situation-Iraq had not
committed a single act of terrorism against us until we invaded their
county. Only after we forcibly occupied Iraq, killing both soldiers and civilians,
did "Operation Iraqi Freedom" become something Bush could
accurately describe as a "war on terrorism."
But in addition to all of the mistruths, untruths, and distortions of
the truth he has perpetuated, Bush has done something even worse -- by
declaring a "war on terrorism," he has committed us to a war
without end.
Such a war cannot end because "terrorism" is a policy, a concept of the mind and not a physical entity. It cannot ever
be
defeated--at least not in any traditional sense--nor can any war
fought against it ever be won. And a war that cannot be won is a war
that cannot end. Regrettably, this would give Bush justification to
keep prisoners taken in this war for as long as he chooses. And allow him to watch casualties mount
until 800+
seems a mere pittance and yet never attend a military funeral.
The simple question remains: if we cannot fight a war against a
policy, is there anything we can do? Speaking in terms more idealistic
than realistic, all we can do is kill people who believe in that
policy and who subsequently practice it. But unless we have some
incredible power to catch them in the act, or to find and identify all
of them after they have acted, we will never know for certain who and
how many to kill. Thus, we will never be sure whether we have made any
progress nor will we ever know when the "war on terrorism"
might end.
What we can be sure of is that terrorism may never end: it has motivated people for thousands of years and will likely
motivate them
endlessly into the future. As Army Chief of Staff Gen. Peter
Schoomaker recently said of Iraqi terrorism, "it's never going to
go away in our lifetime."
So far, in what is now known as Iraq, terrorism has lasted well over a
century: first against the Ottoman Empire; later against the British;
and now against us and the other forces fighting there. Common to all
these targets of terrorism was that they forcibly occupied Iraq.
So as to getting out of the "war on terrorism," perhaps the
first step is for us to leave; to no longer forcibly occupy Iraq. But before leaving, we should do more than simply grant the Iraqis
sovereignty--whatever that term might mean to Bush. We should grant
them complete independence. And then let us summarily depart,
preferably before the end of 2005 as the UN agreement stipulates.
Let's go back and ask the UN for an earlier date of departure.
In the interim, let us also give up on the foolish notion that a democracy can thrive in a culture that has been entirely
unaccepting
of one for centuries. Let us stop trying to grow flowers in concrete
and simply allow the Iraqis whatever government they want--whether it
is a theocracy, an oligarchy, a monarchy, or some other variation.
We have no right to impose any form of government on the Iraqis other
than what they choose to have. After all, as Bush so often claims, the
main reason we are fighting there is to ensure that "the Iraqis
are free to choose their own government." We can only hope that
when Bush says this, he's doing something more than uttering another
misleading catchphrase.
So the next time you hear Bush use the catchphrase "the war on
terrorism," please keep in mind what he is doing. He is trying to
sell you an abstraction and prevent you from knowing the reality of
the war in Iraq. Because the reality of that war is far uglier than
any abstraction could ever be.